Ayaan Hirsi Ali is a visiting fellow at the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where she reportedly "researches the relationship between the West and Islam, women's rights in Islam, violence against women propagated by religious and cultural arguments, and Islam in Europe." Prior to moving to the United States, the Somali-born Hirsi Ali served as a member of the Dutch parliament and wrote the screenplay for the controversial film Submission, which prompted an Islamic extremist to murder the film's director, Theo van Gogh.
An atheist and self-described Muslim apostate, Hirsi Ali is a strident critic of the Islamic religion. In notorious comments to the London Evening Standard in 2007, she referred to the faith as "a cult of death" and called it "the new fascism." Later that year, she told the libertarian Reason magazine, "We are at war with Islam. And there's no middle ground in wars. … There comes a moment when you crush your enemy." When asked by her interviewer whether she meant specifically radical Islam, Hirsi Ali replied, "No. Islam, period." Taking specific issue with Daniel Pipes, a neoconservative activist who has argued that "moderate Islam is the solution" to Islamic terrorism, Hirsi Ali insisted, "There is no moderate Islam. There are Muslims who are passive, who don't all follow the rules of Islam, but there's really only one Islam, defined as submission to the will of God. There's nothing moderate about it."
Hirsi Ali later softened her tone, acknowledging in a 2013 column for the Wall Street Journal that "the overwhelming majority of Muslims are not terrorists or sympathetic to terrorists. Equating all Muslims with terrorism is stupid and wrong. But," she added, "acknowledging that there is a link between Islam and terror is appropriate and necessary."
Like other erstwhile Muslim women who have made names for themselves denouncing misogyny and violence in some Islamic societies—including Wafa Sultan and Nonie Darwish—Hirsi Ali's work has been embraced by neoconservatives who advocate an aggressive U.S. foreign policy toward Muslim countries. David Frum, for example, the former Bush speechwriter who reportedly coined the phrase "axis of evil," once hosted a party in honor of Hirsi Ali, and veteran neoconservative activist Bill Kristol has referred to her critics as "Muslim thugs."
"Though the research and analysis produced by these self-styled 'apostates of Islam' often has limited scholarly value, they have played an important role in providing a moral justification for Western military campaigns in Muslim countries," noted Right Web contributor Samer Araabi in 2010.
Citing Hirsi Ali's support from anti-Islamic activists like Pamela Geller and neoconservatives like Zuhdi Jasser, a 2014 blog post by Media Matters for America added, "Right-wing media have painted Hirsi Ali as a champion for women's rights, but instead appear to use her views on gender as a rhetorical gateway to attack the religion of Islam and highlight Hirsi Ali's view that Islam is a religion of violence and a 'cult of death.'"
Hirsi Ali has promoted U.S. military engagements in the Muslim world. In an August 2010Wall Street Journal op-ed entitled "How to Win the Clash of Civilizations," she argued that "the greatest advantage of [Samuel] Huntington's civilizational model of international relations" is that "it reflects the world as it is—not as we wish it to be. It allows us to distinguish friends from enemies." Accordingly, Hirsi Ali supported a prolonged U.S. military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan, suggesting in 2008 that any withdrawal would have "jihadis dancing in jubilation."
When the Obama administration announced a tentative 2014 withdrawal date for U.S. troops Afghanistan, Hirsi Ali echoed a host of neoconservative talking points about the war's broader implications for U.S. foreign policy. "From the Taliban's perspective, the withdrawal is a sign of US weakness and their impending victory," she wrote. "Not only the Taliban will see it this way: Iran's and Syria's regimes and the malignant units in the Pakistani military and secret service see a weak America that roars but retreats when the going gets tough. The short-term benefits of abandoning counter-insurgency may be politically appealing. The long-term costs may be greater than Mr. Obama anticipates."
Hirsi Ali has also targeted nonviolent political Islamists, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Echoing the rhetoric of neoconservatives like Michael Rubin, she compared the group's organizing in Egypt to the Islamic revolution in Iran. "The Muslim Brotherhood has evolved and learned the hard way that the use of violence will be met with superior violence by state actors," she wrote in 2011. "The clever thing to do, it now turns out, was to be patient and invest in a bottom-up movement rather than a commando structure that risked being wiped out by stronger forces. Besides, the gradualist approach is far more likely to win the prize of state power. All that Khomeini did before he came to power in Iran was to preach the merits of a society based on Islamic law. He did not engage in terrorism. Yet he and his followers took over Iran—a feat far greater than bin Laden ever achieved. In Iran the violence came later."
Glossing over the manifold developments within the Brotherhood in recent decades as well as the emergence of moderate leaders in the movement, she warned that the Brotherhood would impose an oppressive Islamic state that would indoctrinate its citizens, crush its opponents, and pose a clear threat to the United States and the West. "The prospects, in short, of an Egyptian government dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood are as alarming as the prospect of a French government dominated by the Jacobins in the early 1790s," she wrote. "Repression at home will cause human rights violations, economic crisis and an exodus of refugees, beginning with those who have money and a reasonable level of education, deepening Egypt's poverty and destabilizing the region and perhaps even Europe. Growing conflict with Israel could lead to war. For all these reasons, Western policymakers should be exceedingly wary about the influence of the gradualist jihadists on the events now unfolding in Egypt and the rest of the Middle East. Bin Laden is dead. Al Qaeda may soon follow him to the grave. But the doctrine of jihad lives on."
Hirsi Ali has also targeted Muslim immigration. After becoming an American citizen in 2013, she argued that politically involved Muslims should be subject to the same scrutiny in immigration proceedings today as communists were during the Cold War. "I believe that we are entitled to filter out would-be citizens who are ideologically and morally opposed to the U.S. and pose a threat to its population," she wrote. "Is it not time to update the application form, substituting political Islam for Communism?"
While serving in the Dutch parliament, Hirsi Ali worked with anti-Muslim firebrand Geert Wilders to advocate legislation that would limit immigration from Arab and Muslim countries to the Netherlands. The partnership ended, however, when Hirsi Ali herself was forced to resign from parliament in the wake of revelations that she had lied on her asylum application to the Netherlands, claiming to have come from a warzone in Somalia when in fact she had lived in relative prosperity in Kenya—a fact that led many of her erstwhile allies to demand that her Dutch citizenship be revoked.
Hirsi Ali's statements about Islam have repeatedly stoked public controversy. In 2014, for example, Brandeis University was forced to reverse a decision to award Hirsi Ali an honorary degree after students, faculty, and Muslim civil rights advocates protested her lengthy record of anti-Islamic rhetoric. "We cannot overlook that certain of her past statements are inconsistent with Brandeis University's core values," said the university in a statement.
Other critics have argued that the foreign policies Hirsi Ali supports have driven much of the anti-Western sentiment she decries in Muslim countries. "The respect afforded by militarist ideologues to Hirsi Ali and [other like-minded apostates] is palpable, based almost solely on the ability of these figures to validate simplistic perceptions of the Muslim world as violent, backward, and dangerous," wrote Samer Araabi. "There is an irony underlying the careers of these recanted Muslims; the very same western policies they refuse to condemn often create the resentment they ascribe as cultural backwardness or religious fervor."
In a review of her autobiography Infidel, The Economist opined that the lives of "Muslims [are] more complex than many people in the West may have realized. But the West's tendency to seek simplistic explanations is a weakness that Ms. Hirsi Ali also shows she has been happy to exploit."